Modern World Hub is one of the Quadri-hubs (Women's Power Hub- Web Promotion Hub- Modern World Hub- Sports Power Hub) of Dr K N Bastola, reflecting his encyclopedic work 'Women's Power: Its Past, Its Present, Its Future: Femocracy' that discusses about the past, present and future of mankind, in a single volume containing 150 subjects.
Follow @WomensPowerBook Follow @WomensPowerCen Follow @revolutionscen Follow @FutureWorldCen Follow @ModernWorldCen Follow @FaithAtheismNub Follow @TopMostShop
Monday, 22 July 2013
Jinnah's House Destroyed By Militants: Did Jinnah Fathom It Coming When He Created Pakistan?
The destruction of the house of Baba Quam (Father of the Nation) of Pakistan, M. A. Jinnah, is indeed sad but not a surprise. That's because its seed was sown in India long before Pakistan even saw the light of the day.
The divided world of Muslims into orthodox and liberals in the then-British India, voiced for Islam and Muslims respectively. Being too busy questioning why the nation wasn't fully Islamic like Iran, despite Mughal rule, and consequently focusing on how to Islamise it, it wasn't the former that created Pakistan but the latter. Though, both in the latter group had nostalgia of the Mughal rule, its first group e.g. of Bharat Ratna-receiving A.K. Azad understood party system of democracy that would spread members of a community into different parties, and saw welfare of Muslims through democratic assimilation. Focusing on Muslim welfare and not understanding party democracy, its second group feared being overruled by the majority Hindus.
Focusing on Muslims, yet receiving the title Sir from an alien culture – a democratic Britain – Cambridge educated Sir Iqbal sowed the seeds of separatism by originating the idea of separate states for Muslims under a federal Indian nation. While this seed concept of Iqbal grew into a small plant as a group of supporters, almost reminding scientific inventions a moderate Muslim, an ex-Indian Congressman, Jinnah, modified it further. He dreamt of an independent Muslim state and, taking Rahmat Ali's creation, baptised it as Pakistan.
As if timing to give a reply, when Congress demanded freedom for all, he demanded a new state of Pakistan through India's vivisection. And when his discontent with the Congress – especially with Nehru – increased, he made it rigid.
Being aware of united India's potential, good at 'divide and rule' and even better at 'divide and sell arms', the British couldn't say no to Jinnah's idea of a new country. Fearing vivisection and sensing Jinnah's urge to become the first, Gandhi attempted to persuade Nehru to let him be India's first PM. The man, who even threatened to destroy Congress for its sake, as expected, refused.
With Brits ticking yes to independence, while the seed now became real and a separate tree, almost as a blessing even Western scholars believed polytheist India would doom and strong monotheistic Pakistan would prosper.
Sensing TB-induced early death he demanded early vivisection— even became adamant the second time. When ruling elite's simple imagination failed, and complex logistics and shortened timeframe didn’t help, polarising communities, millions died during partition.
Ruling over Hindus, although his 'ruled by majority' fear now landed on Pakistani Hindus, with him giving freedom of religion, his separatism and creation of Pakistan was only Muslim community – not religion – based.
However, with hostility needed to unite its divergent states and justify and enrich army, and supported Kashmir agitation offering the needed community, land, and faith disputes, the tree now gathered a religious veneer.
Reminding Mohammedanism's climb to Islam, 'Islamic State of Pakistan' of 1956 constitution elevated community identity to a religious one, and made it official. Despite split Bangladesh airing 'Culture isn't less strong - even stronger', and Islam asking for Ummah not nation or party democracy, its 1973 constitution even asserted 'Nothing will be passed against Quran and Hadith'. And when religious Gen Zia's turn came, turning that principle into practice of both the ruled and the rulers, he almost introduced Shari’a. Sensing American cash and its use of Taliban against the enemy but not themselves being the second enemy as by the former even its less religious elite used Mujahideens for Kashmir. While Kashmir became hot and considering Hindu India as enemy became cool, almost like Mao's red book, school books enlightened little brains with those.
As if cherishing democracy or copying American churches, many conceptual seeds emerged, that grew into rigid trees (groups) which claimed purity like by Pakistan itself— as if forming 'Daughter Pakistans'. Religion gripped the nation. In fact, as if decentralisation was in full swing, 'Our religion is right' or more appropriately, 'Our belief is right' gripped the nation. But then, so did the internal enemies.
In this melee, while 'Our God is right' gradually lessened Hindus through forced conversions and more, and 'Our prophet is right' saw 1974 amendment declaring Ahmadiyyas aren't Muslims', 'Our Khalifas are right' killed mosque-praying Allah-chanting Shias.
Expectedly, almost as a final phase, this trend saw another purity move: 'Our practice is right', that decried present and past less-practicing Muslims. Unlike the lowest – the Hindus – now it has been the turn of the highest in the purity scale, the presumed safe majority Sunnis, more so its westernised elite (the mujahideen-using second enemies), who are the targets now. While this makes the bombing of Jinnah's house unsurprising, the trend in totality makes the nation unsafe. A second Egypt is in the making.
Although Iqbal and Jinnah might not have imagined this, while their fear of majority simply transferred to the Hindus by Pakistan's creation, their assimilation opposing 'We are different' has not been constructive but rather destructive for the Muslims.